The Vortex

: The Iron Heel

Following like thunder claps upon the Business Men's dinner, occurred

event after event of terrifying moment; and I, little I, who had lived

so placidly all my days in the quiet university town, found myself and

my personal affairs drawn into the vortex of the great world-affairs.

Whether it was my love for Ernest, or the clear sight he had given me of

the society in which I lived, that made me a revolutionist, I know not;
/> but a revolutionist I became, and I was plunged into a whirl of

happenings that would have been inconceivable three short months before.



The crisis in my own fortunes came simultaneously with great crises in

society. First of all, father was discharged from the university. Oh,

he was not technically discharged. His resignation was demanded, that

was all. This, in itself, did not amount to much. Father, in fact, was

delighted. He was especially delighted because his discharge had been

precipitated by the publication of his book, "Economics and Education."

It clinched his argument, he contended. What better evidence could be

advanced to prove that education was dominated by the capitalist class?



But this proof never got anywhere. Nobody knew he had been forced to

resign from the university. He was so eminent a scientist that such an

announcement, coupled with the reason for his enforced resignation,

would have created somewhat of a furor all over the world. The

newspapers showered him with praise and honor, and commended him for

having given up the drudgery of the lecture room in order to devote his

whole time to scientific research.



At first father laughed. Then he became angry--tonic angry. Then came

the suppression of his book. This suppression was performed secretly,

so secretly that at first we could not comprehend. The publication of

the book had immediately caused a bit of excitement in the country.

Father had been politely abused in the capitalist press, the tone of the

abuse being to the effect that it was a pity so great a scientist should

leave his field and invade the realm of sociology, about which he knew

nothing and wherein he had promptly become lost. This lasted for a

week, while father chuckled and said the book had touched a sore spot on

capitalism. And then, abruptly, the newspapers and the critical

magazines ceased saying anything about the book at all. Also, and with

equal suddenness, the book disappeared from the market. Not a copy was

obtainable from any bookseller. Father wrote to the publishers and was

informed that the plates had been accidentally injured. An

unsatisfactory correspondence followed. Driven finally to an

unequivocal stand, the publishers stated that they could not see their

way to putting the book into type again, but that they were willing to

relinquish their rights in it.



"And you won't find another publishing house in the country to touch

it," Ernest said. "And if I were you, I'd hunt cover right now. You've

merely got a foretaste of the Iron Heel."



But father was nothing if not a scientist. He never believed in jumping

to conclusions. A laboratory experiment was no experiment if it were

not carried through in all its details. So he patiently went the round

of the publishing houses. They gave a multitude of excuses, but not one

house would consider the book.



When father became convinced that the book had actually been suppressed,

he tried to get the fact into the newspapers; but his communications

were ignored. At a political meeting of the socialists, where many

reporters were present, father saw his chance. He arose and related the

history of the suppression of the book. He laughed next day when he

read the newspapers, and then he grew angry to a degree that eliminated

all tonic qualities. The papers made no mention of the book, but they

misreported him beautifully. They twisted his words and phrases away

from the context, and turned his subdued and controlled remarks into a

howling anarchistic speech. It was done artfully. One instance, in

particular, I remember. He had used the phrase "social revolution."

The reporter merely dropped out "social." This was sent out all over

the country in an Associated Press despatch, and from all over the

country arose a cry of alarm. Father was branded as a nihilist and an

anarchist, and in one cartoon that was copied widely he was portrayed

waving a red flag at the head of a mob of long-haired, wild-eyed men who

bore in their hands torches, knives, and dynamite bombs.



He was assailed terribly in the press, in long and abusive editorials,

for his anarchy, and hints were made of mental breakdown on his part.

This behavior, on the part of the capitalist press, was nothing new,

Ernest told us. It was the custom, he said, to send reporters to all

the socialist meetings for the express purpose of misreporting and

distorting what was said, in order to frighten the middle class away

from any possible affiliation with the proletariat. And repeatedly

Ernest warned father to cease fighting and to take to cover.



The socialist press of the country took up the fight, however, and

throughout the reading portion of the working class it was known that

the book had been suppressed. But this knowledge stopped with the

working class. Next, the "Appeal to Reason," a big socialist publishing

house, arranged with father to bring out the book. Father was jubilant,

but Ernest was alarmed.



"I tell you we are on the verge of the unknown," he insisted. "Big

things are happening secretly all around us. We can feel them. We do

not know what they are, but they are there. The whole fabric of society

is a-tremble with them. Don't ask me. I don't know myself. But out of

this flux of society something is about to crystallize. It is

crystallizing now. The suppression of the book is a precipitation. How

many books have been suppressed? We haven't the least idea. We are in

the dark. We have no way of learning. Watch out next for the

suppression of the socialist press and socialist publishing houses. I'm

afraid it's coming. We are going to be throttled."



Ernest had his hand on the pulse of events even more closely than the

rest of the socialists, and within two days the first blow was struck.

The Appeal to Reason was a weekly, and its regular circulation amongst

the proletariat was seven hundred and fifty thousand. Also, it very

frequently got out special editions of from two to five millions. These

great editions were paid for and distributed by the small army of

voluntary workers who had marshalled around the Appeal. The first blow

was aimed at these special editions, and it was a crushing one. By an

arbitrary ruling of the Post Office, these editions were decided to be

not the regular circulation of the paper, and for that reason were

denied admission to the mails.



A week later the Post Office Department ruled that the paper was

seditious, and barred it entirely from the mails. This was a fearful

blow to the socialist propaganda. The Appeal was desperate. It devised

a plan of reaching its subscribers through the express companies, but

they declined to handle it. This was the end of the Appeal. But not

quite. It prepared to go on with its book publishing. Twenty thousand

copies of father's book were in the bindery, and the presses were

turning off more. And then, without warning, a mob arose one night,

and, under a waving American flag, singing patriotic songs, set fire to

the great plant of the Appeal and totally destroyed it.



Now Girard, Kansas, was a quiet, peaceable town. There had never been

any labor troubles there. The Appeal paid union wages; and, in fact,

was the backbone of the town, giving employment to hundreds of men and

women. It was not the citizens of Girard that composed the mob. This

mob had risen up out of the earth apparently, and to all intents and

purposes, its work done, it had gone back into the earth. Ernest saw in

the affair the most sinister import.



"The Black Hundreds* are being organized in the United States," he said.

"This is the beginning. There will be more of it. The Iron Heel is

getting bold."



* The Black Hundreds were reactionary mobs organized by the

perishing Autocracy in the Russian Revolution. These

reactionary groups attacked the revolutionary groups, and

also, at needed moments, rioted and destroyed property so as

to afford the Autocracy the pretext of calling out the

Cossacks.



And so perished father's book. We were to see much of the Black Hundreds

as the days went by. Week by week more of the socialist papers were

barred from the mails, and in a number of instances the Black Hundreds

destroyed the socialist presses. Of course, the newspapers of the

land lived up to the reactionary policy of the ruling class, and the

destroyed socialist press was misrepresented and vilified, while

the Black Hundreds were represented as true patriots and saviours of

society. So convincing was all this misrepresentation that even sincere

ministers in the pulpit praised the Black Hundreds while regretting the

necessity of violence.



History was making fast. The fall elections were soon to occur, and

Ernest was nominated by the socialist party to run for Congress. His

chance for election was most favorable. The street-car strike in San

Francisco had been broken. And following upon it the teamsters' strike

had been broken. These two defeats had been very disastrous to organized

labor. The whole Water Front Federation, along with its allies in the

structural trades, had backed up the teamsters, and all had smashed

down ingloriously. It had been a bloody strike. The police had broken

countless heads with their riot clubs; and the death list had been

augmented by the turning loose of a machine-gun on the strikers from the

barns of the Marsden Special Delivery Company.



In consequence, the men were sullen and vindictive. They wanted blood,

and revenge. Beaten on their chosen field, they were ripe to seek

revenge by means of political action. They still maintained their labor

organization, and this gave them strength in the political struggle that

was on. Ernest's chance for election grew stronger and stronger. Day by

day unions and more unions voted their support to the socialists, until

even Ernest laughed when the Undertakers' Assistants and the Chicken

Pickers fell into line. Labor became mulish. While it packed the

socialist meetings with mad enthusiasm, it was impervious to the wiles

of the old-party politicians. The old-party orators were usually greeted

with empty halls, though occasionally they encountered full halls where

they were so roughly handled that more than once it was necessary to

call out the police reserves.



History was making fast. The air was vibrant with things happening and

impending. The country was on the verge of hard times,* caused by a

series of prosperous years wherein the difficulty of disposing abroad

of the unconsumed surplus had become increasingly difficult. Industries

were working short time; many great factories were standing idle against

the time when the surplus should be gone; and wages were being cut right

and left.



* Under the capitalist regime these periods of hard times

were as inevitable as they were absurd. Prosperity always

brought calamity. This, of course, was due to the excess of

unconsumed profits that was piled up.



Also, the great machinist strike had been broken. Two hundred thousand

machinists, along with their five hundred thousand allies in the

metalworking trades, had been defeated in as bloody a strike as had ever

marred the United States. Pitched battles had been fought with the small

armies of armed strike-breakers* put in the field by the employers'

associations; the Black Hundreds, appearing in scores of wide-scattered

places, had destroyed property; and, in consequence, a hundred thousand

regular soldiers of the United States has been called out to put a

frightful end to the whole affair. A number of the labor leaders had

been executed; many others had been sentenced to prison, while thousands

of the rank and file of the strikers had been herded into bull-pens**

and abominably treated by the soldiers.



* Strike-breakers--these were, in purpose and practice and

everything except name, the private soldiers of the

capitalists. They were thoroughly organized and well armed,

and they were held in readiness to be hurled in special

trains to any part of the country where labor went on strike

or was locked out by the employers. Only those curious

times could have given rise to the amazing spectacle of one,

Farley, a notorious commander of strike-breakers, who, in

1906, swept across the United States in special trains from

New York to San Francisco with an army of twenty-five

hundred men, fully armed and equipped, to break a strike of

the San Francisco street-car men. Such an act was in direct

violation of the laws of the land. The fact that this act,

and thousands of similar acts, went unpunished, goes to show

how completely the judiciary was the creature of the

Plutocracy.



** Bull-pen--in a miners' strike in Idaho, in the latter

part of the nineteenth century, it happened that many of the

strikers were confined in a bull-pen by the troops. The

practice and the name continued in the twentieth century.



The years of prosperity were now to be paid for. All markets were

glutted; all markets were falling; and amidst the general crumble

of prices the price of labor crumbled fastest of all. The land was

convulsed with industrial dissensions. Labor was striking here, there,

and everywhere; and where it was not striking, it was being turned out

by the capitalists. The papers were filled with tales of violence and

blood. And through it all the Black Hundreds played their part. Riot,

arson, and wanton destruction of property was their function, and well

they performed it. The whole regular army was in the field, called there

by the actions of the Black Hundreds.* All cities and towns were like

armed camps, and laborers were shot down like dogs. Out of the vast

army of the unemployed the strike-breakers were recruited; and when

the strike-breakers were worsted by the labor unions, the troops always

appeared and crushed the unions. Then there was the militia. As yet, it

was not necessary to have recourse to the secret militia law. Only the

regularly organized militia was out, and it was out everywhere. And

in this time of terror, the regular army was increased an additional

hundred thousand by the government.



* The name only, and not the idea, was imported from Russia.

The Black Hundreds were a development out of the secret

agents of the capitalists, and their use arose in the labor

struggles of the nineteenth century. There is no discussion

of this. No less an authority of the times than Carroll D.

Wright, United States Commissioner of Labor, is responsible

for the statement. From his book, entitled "The Battles of

Labor," is quoted the declaration that "in some of the great

historic strikes the employers themselves have instigated

acts of violence;" that manufacturers have deliberately

provoked strikes in order to get rid of surplus stock; and

that freight cars have been burned by employers' agents

during railroad strikes in order to increase disorder. It

was out of these secret agents of the employers that the

Black Hundreds arose; and it was they, in turn, that later

became that terrible weapon of the Oligarchy, the agents-

provocateurs.



Never had labor received such an all-around beating. The great captains

of industry, the oligarchs, had for the first time thrown their full

weight into the breach the struggling employers' associations had made.

These associations were practically middle-class affairs, and now,

compelled by hard times and crashing markets, and aided by the great

captains of industry, they gave organized labor an awful and decisive

defeat. It was an all-powerful alliance, but it was an alliance of the

lion and the lamb, as the middle class was soon to learn.



Labor was bloody and sullen, but crushed. Yet its defeat did not put

an end to the hard times. The banks, themselves constituting one of the

most important forces of the Oligarchy, continued to call in credits.

The Wall Street* group turned the stock market into a maelstrom where

the values of all the land crumbled away almost to nothingness. And

out of all the rack and ruin rose the form of the nascent Oligarchy,

imperturbable, indifferent, and sure. Its serenity and certitude was

terrifying. Not only did it use its own vast power, but it used all the

power of the United States Treasury to carry out its plans.



* Wall Street--so named from a street in ancient New York,

where was situated the stock exchange, and where the

irrational organization of society permitted underhanded

manipulation of all the industries of the country.



The captains of industry had turned upon the middle class. The

employers' associations, that had helped the captains of industry to

tear and rend labor, were now torn and rent by their quondam allies.

Amidst the crashing of the middle men, the small business men and

manufacturers, the trusts stood firm. Nay, the trusts did more than

stand firm. They were active. They sowed wind, and wind, and ever more

wind; for they alone knew how to reap the whirlwind and make a profit

out of it. And such profits! Colossal profits! Strong enough themselves

to weather the storm that was largely their own brewing, they turned

loose and plundered the wrecks that floated about them. Values were

pitifully and inconceivably shrunken, and the trusts added hugely

to their holdings, even extending their enterprises into many new

fields--and always at the expense of the middle class.



Thus the summer of 1912 witnessed the virtual death-thrust to the middle

class. Even Ernest was astounded at the quickness with which it had been

done. He shook his head ominously and looked forward without hope to the

fall elections.



"It's no use," he said. "We are beaten. The Iron Heel is here. I had

hoped for a peaceable victory at the ballot-box. I was wrong. Wickson

was right. We shall be robbed of our few remaining liberties; the Iron

Heel will walk upon our faces; nothing remains but a bloody revolution

of the working class. Of course we will win, but I shudder to think of

it."



And from then on Ernest pinned his faith in revolution. In this he was

in advance of his party. His fellow-socialists could not agree with him.

They still insisted that victory could be gained through the elections.

It was not that they were stunned. They were too cool-headed and

courageous for that. They were merely incredulous, that was all. Ernest

could not get them seriously to fear the coming of the Oligarchy. They

were stirred by him, but they were too sure of their own strength. There

was no room in their theoretical social evolution for an oligarchy,

therefore the Oligarchy could not be.



"We'll send you to Congress and it will be all right," they told him at

one of our secret meetings.



"And when they take me out of Congress," Ernest replied coldly, "and put

me against a wall, and blow my brains out--what then?"



"Then we'll rise in our might," a dozen voices answered at once.



"Then you'll welter in your gore," was his retort. "I've heard that song

sung by the middle class, and where is it now in its might?"



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